Beyond The Chador Regional Dress From Iran

3. The actual process

The process of foot binding started at between the ages of 5 and 8, when the arch of the foot was still soft and not fully developed. The entire process took from 2 to 5 years and caused extreme pain. It was generally an elder female member of the girl's family, her future mother-in-law or a professional foot binder who carried out the initial breaking and ongoing binding of the feet. This was considered preferable to having the mother do it, as she might be too sympathetic to her daughter's pain and less willing to keep the bindings tight. (Left) X-ray image of a normal foot, (right): X-ray image of a bound foot.

(Left) X-ray image of a normal foot, (right): X-ray image of a bound foot.(Left) X-ray image of a normal foot, (right): X-ray image of a bound foot.xray2

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Each foot would first be soaked in a warm mixture, which was to intended to soften the feet. The toenails were cut back as far as possible (or even removed) to prevent in-growth and any subsequent infections. To enable the size of the feet to be reduced, the toes on each foot were curled under, then pressed with great force downwards and squeezed into the sole of the foot until the toes bent or broke. The large toe was left unturned in order to help with balance. The toes were held tightly against the sole of the foot while the foot was drawn down straight with the leg and the arch forcibly bent upwards.

The long, cotton bandages (3m long and 5cm wide) were repeatedly wound in a figure-eight movement, starting at the inside of the foot at the instep, then carried over the toes, under the foot, and round the heel. At the same time the toes were pressed tightly into the sole of the foot. At each pass around the foot, the binding cloth was tightened, pulling the ball of the foot and the heel together, causing the foot to fold at the arch, and pressing the toes underneath.

The difference between bound and unbound feet (c. 1902; courtesy of the Library of Congress, LC-USZ62-49138).The difference between bound and unbound feet (c. 1902; courtesy of the Library of Congress, LC-USZ62-49138).

A woman’s feet without the bindings (c. 1900; courtesy of the Library of Congress, LC-USZ62-71351).A woman’s feet without the bindings (c. 1900; courtesy of the Library of Congress, LC-USZ62-71351).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The girl's bent feet required a great deal of care and attention and they would be unbound regularly. In some wealthier families the process of unbinding and re-binding with fresh bandages were carried out every day, while poorer families may do it twice or three times a week. Each time the feet were unbound, they were washed, the toes carefully checked for injuries and the nails trimmed. The feet were also massaged to soften them and to make the joints and bones more flexible. The feet were then soaked to cause any dead flesh to fall off. Then the girl's toes were folded back under and the feet were rebound. The bindings were pulled ever tighter each time this occurred.

Loose and symbolic binding

Loose binding is where a narrow, bow-shaped foot is required rather than the arched foot described above. This form of binding was associated with women in more remote regions where the weather and working conditions did not suit the tighter form of binding. It consisted of wrapping the toes under the sole, but with not enough pressure to break the bones. The aim was to create a narrow foot that gave the appearance of a bound foot.

Symbolic binding took place in some areas, so a woman may walk around unbound while working, but when approaching a town or for a festival she would bind her feet in the manner of traditional binding. Another form for girls was to have their feet slightly bound just before they got married and then the binding was undone after the wedding.

2. A brief history of foot binding

It is said that the practice of foot binding originated among court dancers in the early Song Dynasty (960-1279). The earliest relevant written records date to the 13th century and refer to the fame of the dancing girls with tiny feet and beautiful bow shoes at the court of the Southern Tang Dynasty (937-975) in southern-central China. Over the centuries foot binding was practiced by many elite families and later became widespread among all social levels. Many women with bound feet were able to walk unaided and work in the fields, albeit with greater limitation than women whose feet were not bound.

An early tinted photograph of two wealthy Han Chinese women with bound feet (c. 1870; courtesy of the Library of Congress, LC- LC-USZC4-14686).An early tinted photograph of two wealthy Han Chinese women with bound feet (c. 1870; courtesy of the Library of Congress, LC- LC-USZC4-14686).It is estimated that by the early 19th century up to 40% , and possibly higher, of Chinese women had their feet bound. Among the elite women this would have been nearly 100%. Most of these women were Han, but other groups such as the Dungan and Hui peoples and some Cantonese practices this ‘art’ as well. Some families practiced variations of foot binding, such as loose binding, which did not break the bones of the arch and toes but simply narrowed the foot.

In contrast, since 1644 when the Manchu Qing Dynasty came to power in China, Manchu women were forbidden to bind their feet. Instead they invented their own form of shoe with a platform or central pedestal that meant they walked in a similar, swaying manner. These shoes were called “flower bowl” or sometimes ‘boat’ and ‘moon’ shoes.

The widespread acceptance and popularity of foot binding is reflected in the presence, during the latter half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, of troops of dancers with bound feet, as well as circus performers who stood on moving horses. The diaspora of Chinese families throughout the world in the 19th century, also meant that women with bound feet could be found in Europe, Asia, notably Hong Kong and Indonesia, as well as America.

Pair of Manchu ‘flower bowl’ shoes worn in imitation of Han lotus shoes, c. 1910 (TRC 2013.0062).Pair of Manchu ‘flower bowl’ shoes worn in imitation of Han lotus shoes, c. 1910 (TRC 2013.0062).During the late 19th century Chinese, Western and Muslim reformers challenged foot binding, but it was not until the early 20th century that foot binding began to die out. This was due to concepts of ‘modernization’ (Westernization), changes in social conditions, as well as various active anti-foot binding campaigns. Some groups, for example, argued that foot binding weakened China as it disabled and enfeebled women, who in turn might bear weak sons. Others attack it as causing women suffering, but the latter seem to have been in the minority.

The Empress Dowager Cixi, a Manchu, issued an edict forbidding foot binding, but it was never seriously enforced. 1912 saw the fall of the Qing Dynasty and the introduction of the Nationalist government of the Republic of China. They officially banned foot binding, but with little vigour or success. It was not until the Communists came into power in 1949 that the practice was forbidden and remains officially banned in China to the present day.

1. Introduction

Chan zu (lit. “bound feet”) is the practice of binding young girls’ feet very tightly in order to prevent further growth and normal development. The tradition prevailed in China for about 1,000 years until the last reported case of binding in the mid-20th century. At first these tiny and re-modelled feet were merely fashionable for the elite, then they became socially acceptable. The next stage was when the concept of “lotus feet” (lian zu) became a custom and gained wider acceptance and eventually became an essential element in women’s life.

But there was never one type of lotus foot or shoe, instead there were many forms in which local and regional fashions and developments played an important role, namely in the size, shape and final appearance of the feet and their coverings. It was always the aim to create the appearance of a tiny foot. Only the shaped tip of the foot was placed in the shoe, the heel was normally supported by bandages and sometimes with strips of bamboo. The heel was hidden from public view by a series of wrappings, leggings and trousers.

Boy with his elder sister who has bound feet (late 19th century; courtesy of the Library of Congress, LC-DIG-ppmsca-07450).Boy with his elder sister who has bound feet (late 19th century; courtesy of the Library of Congress, LC-DIG-ppmsca-07450).Lotus feet were also a means of gender differentiation: boys did not have their feet bound, while girls did and in later life this had an effect on the different roles of men and women. Both men and women considered lotus feet aesthetically beautiful, with their own innate daintiness and symbolism. Such tiny feet also meant that a girl or woman would walk with a swaying movement called the lotus gait, which was regarded as sexually enticing to men. This gait was regarded as important for finding a suitable husband and by doing so increasing the position of the girl and her family. It also meant that, in many cases, it was difficult for a woman to walk, thus making her literally dependent upon her husband, family and servants.

An early tinted photograph of a Chinese Han lady and her servant; both women have bound feet (c. 1870; courtesy of the Library of Congress, LC-USZC4-14684).An early tinted photograph of a Chinese Han lady and her servant; both women have bound feet (c. 1870; courtesy of the Library of Congress, LC-USZC4-14684).

Throughout the centuries a marriageable girl was frequently chosen for the size of her feet and the quality of her needlework, especially for her footwear. A pair of shoes she had made and embroidered were sent to the home of a prospective husband to be judged by his family. Very small and elaborately decorated shoes were regarded as a sign of self-discipline, patience, fortitude and forbearance with extreme situations, as well as evidence of artistic creativity and household skills.

Many women, and their families, took great pride in their tiny feet, which were said to take the shape of a lotus bud with a wide and rounded base (the heel) going into a pointed tip (the toes). Hence their names of lily feet or lotus feet. The ideal foot length was about 7 cm, which was called the golden lily or the golden lotus. Between 7 and 9 cm was known as the “silver lotus.”

In some areas a woman’s unbound feet were called iron lotus, a term that was regarded as being insulting. Yet badly bound or shaped feet were seen by some as far worse than ‘long’ or unbound feet. Mis-formed bound feet were called names such as half-squeezed foot, half-blocked foot and little crooked bone

The pride and social necessity of ‘perfect’ lotus feet is reflected in the beautifully embroidered silk shoes and wrappings girls and women wore to cover and emphasise their feet.

11. Digital catalogue

The Textile Research Centre in Leiden houses eleven ancient Greek loom weights, and a small number of ancient Greek bobbins and spinning whorls.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

0. Cover page

In 2014, a small collection of eleven ancient Greek loom weights was donated to the Textile Research Centre in Leiden, the Netherlands. The collection also included other textile tools, such as a bobbin (TRC 2014.0797), a bobbin fragment (TRC 2014.0798), and two spindle whorls (TRC 2014.0802 and TRC 2014.0803). All the tools are made of baked clay; the loom weights are mostly pyramidical or conical in shape with one perforation at the top. The artefacts come from different sites in Greece and range in date from the Archaic to the Classical, and perhaps Roman periods. This online exhibition will put these artefacts into context by exploring questions such as: what is a loom weight? How were they used? What can they tell us about ancient Greek textiles?

The text is by Shelley Anderson, volunteer at the TRC. A separate bibliography of the publications referred to in the text is provided below. All fifteen objects discussed in this online exhibition are grouped together in Chapter 11. Individual objects from this group, plus other illustrative material, are placed wherever relevant throughout the other chapters. 

Further reading:

  • Andrianou, Dimitra. “Eternal comfort: funerary textiles in late Classical and Hellenistic Greece” in Dressing the Dead in Classical Antiquity, ed. Maureen Carroll and John Peter Wild, 2012, Amberley Publishing, Stroud.
  • Barber, E.J.W. Prehistoric Textiles: The Development of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages, with Special Reference to the Aegean, 1991, p. 308. Princeton University Press, Oxford.
  • Crowfoot, G.M. “Of the Warp-weighted Loom”. 1937, The Annual of the British School at Athens, 37, pp 36-47 (click here). 
  • Edmunds, Susan T. “Picturing Homeric Weaving”, at (click here), website of Harvard University’s Center for Hellenic Studies, Washington, DC.. Edmunds’s article includes a description, with links to images, of seventeen ancient Greek looms.
  • Gromer, Karina. The Art of Prehistoric Textile Making: the Development of Craft Tradition and Clothing in Central Europe, 2016, Natural History Museum Vienna, Vienna.
  • Haland, E. J. “Athena’s Peplos: Weaving as a Core Female Activity in Ancient and Modern Greece” at http://www.arch.uoa.gr/fileadmin/arch.uoa.gr/uploads/images/evy_johanne_haland/e_j_haland_cosmos_20.pdf 
  • Hoffman, Marta. The Warp-Weighted Loom: Studies in History and Technology of an Ancient Implement, 1964, Studia Norvegica, 14. Universitetsforlaget, Oslo.
  • Mansfield, J. The Robe of Athena and the Panathenaic ‘Peplos’, 1985,PhD thesis, Ann Arbor.
  • Margariti, Christina and Kinti, Maria. “The Conservation of a 5th-Century BC Excavated Textile Find from the Kerameikos Cemetery at Athens”, in Greek and Roman Textiles and Dress: An Interdisciplinary Anthology, ed. Mary Harlow and Marie-Louise Nosch, 2014, Oxbow Books, Oxford.
  • Moulherat, C. and Spantidaki, Y. “Cloth from Kastelli Khania.” Arachne 3 (2009): 8-15.
  • Nosch, Marie-Louise. “The Aegean Wool Economies of the Bronze Age”, at 2004 (click here).  2004.
  • Rahmstorf, L. “An Introduction to the Investigation of Archaeological Textile Tools”, at https://www.academia.edu/19555832/An_introduction_to_the_investigation_of_archaeological_textile_tools Written 2006, revised 2008 and 2011.
  • Thorin, Ida. Weighing the Evidence-Determining and Contrasting the Characteristics and Functionality of Loom Weights and Spindle Whorls from the Garrison at Birka. 2012, Master’s thesis, Archaeological Research Laboratory, Department of Archaeology, Stockholm University.
  • Vogelsang-Eastwood, Gillian. An Introduction to Archaeological Textiles, 1993, Textile Research Centre, Leiden.
  • von Hofsten, Sven. “Weaving as a Means of Preserving the Collective Memory in Archaic and Classical Greece”, in In Memoriam: Commemoration, Communal Memory and Gender Values in the ancient Graeco-Roman World, ed. Helene Whittaker, 2011, Cambridge Scholars Publishers, Newcastle upon Tyne.

For this online exhibition:

  • Author: Shelley Anderson.
  • Web-design: Joost Koopman
  • Exhibition design: Willem Vogelsang
  • Publisher: TRC Leiden.
  • Year of publication: 2018.
  • Copyright: All illustrations of objects housed in the TRC collection can be used free of charge, but please add to the caption: "Courtesy Textile Research Centre, Leiden" and the pertinent accession number of the object.

 

10. Conclusion

Weaving is only one step in the long process that results in a finished textile. In the case of wool, sheep must be bred, raised and sheared. The wool must then be cleaned, combed and/or carded to prepare it for spinning. It might be dyed or bleached before or after it is spun or woven. After spinning it is woven and embroidered. It is fulled and napped, then made into clothing. Clothing itself must be stored, cleaned and mended. Given these labour-intensive processes, textiles were highly valued and each scrap was used and re-used. Ancient Greek clothing was seldom cut out or tailored; that would be a waste of precious textiles. Both male and female clothing was draped on the body and held in place with decorative pins, ribbons, belts or sashes. It is clear that textile production took up a large amount of time for many Greeks, from shepherds to spinners, weavers to traders.

Yet clothing, too, is only one type of textile. The ancient Greeks used rugs, blankets, furniture coverings, wall hangings and cushions inside their homes, and awnings and canopies outside; ropes, halters and animal blankets on their farms; bandages to heal the sick and shrouds to bury their dead; tents, banners, linen corselets for war; sails, rigging, and fishing nets on their ships. There are many references in both Homer’s Iliad and the Odyssey to finely woven textiles such as robes or tapestries being given as diplomatic gifts. The production of all these necessary textiles must have been on an industrial scale and consumed the waking hours of large numbers of people, especially women and girls. In an Athenian list of occupations of freed slaves, women are frequently identified as ‘talasiourgoi’—women who clean, card, comb and spin wool. As Ion says to Kreusa in Euripides’s (480-406 BCE) play Ion, “Young girls do a lot of weaving.”

Textiles and their production were deeply embedded in the daily life, the economy and the religious life of ancient Greece. Loom weights were an essential part of the warp weighted loom, which was commonly used to produce these textiles. Loom weights survive in the archaeological record when the looms themselves and the textiles they produced do not. A careful study of these artefacts, which are often found in archaeological sites throughout ancient Greece and its colonies, can tell us much about ancient Greek technology, but also behaviour and beliefs.

9. Religion

Textiles also played a symbolic role in ancient Greek belief. In Plato’s Republic (circa 428-348 BCE)  human life is depicted as controlled by three female Fates (Moirae). The first Fate, named Clotho, spins the thread of each individual’s life. The next, Lachesis, measures the length of the thread with her measuring rod, thus determining lifespan. The third Fate, Atropos, cuts the thread, and so ends life.

Plato’s own city, Athens, was named after and protected by the goddess Athena. One of this goddess’s most important skills was weaving. It is no wonder, then, that the culmination of the Panathenaia, a major ceremony honouring Athena, involved a textile. The Panathenaia, held every fourth year in Athens, involved a procession to the Acropolis, where a woollen peplos was draped around the cult statue of Athena in the Erechtheum. Preparations for this ceremony began months earlier when the high priestess, with the help of four specially selected girls, set up the loom to weave the peplos. The girls, between 7-11 years of age, were called the arrephoroi, and they would live a year on the Acropolis. Two other girls, called ergastinai, would weave the peplos for the goddess. The prestige and importance of this ceremony are reflected in the fact it is carved on the east frieze of the Parthenon itself.(Haland 2005).

Athens was not the only ancient Greek community with such a ritual: the goddess Hera, protector of the city of Elis (northwest Peloponnesos), was regularly presented with a new peplos, woven by sixteen carefully selected women. Rituals have also been recorded of presenting specially prepared peploi to Hera at Heraion and at Olympia; to Apollo at Amyklai; and again to Athena at Argos.

8. Women's work

Images on vases and many ancient literary references point to wool working and weaving as the work of women and girls in ancient Greece. But male weavers were not unknown (some two hundred man's names appear in Linear B tablets about weaving at Knossos); two male weavers, Helicon and Acesas, are recorded as making a sail that was presented to the goddess Athena on the Acropolis (von Hofsten 2011:18). It is possible that the weaving of specialized textiles, such as sails, was done by craftsmen. Yet weaving as a whole was seen as the women’s domain. In the Iliad, Hector explicitly tells the royal Andromache to “go to the house and busy yourself with your own tasks, the loom and the distaff, and tell your handmaids to ply their work: and war will be the concern for men…” (Book VI 490-493, Loeb translation).

Andromache is indeed described earlier as “… weaving a tapestry in the innermost part of the lofty house, a purple tapestry of double fold [in double weave], and in it she was weaving flowers of varied hue.” (Book XXII 440-441. Brackets by Susan T. Edmunds). Helen herself is also “…weaving a great purple web of double fold (in double weave])on which she was embroidering (in which she was portraying])many battles of the horse-taming Trojans and the bronze-clad Achaeans...” (Book III 121-128, with Edmunds' corrections in brackets).

Passages such as these throw light on ancient gender roles and relations. The historian Herodotus (484-425 BCE) was shocked (and doubtless shocked his Greek readers) when he wrote that in Egypt men were the weavers—and that they wove from the bottom up, not from the top down (as on a warp-weighted loom): “Not only is the Egyptian climate peculiar to their country…but the Egyptians themselves in their manners and customs seem to have reversed the ordinary practices of mankind.”

“For instance, women attend market and are employed in trade, while men stay at home and do the weaving. In weaving the normal way is to work the threads of the weft upwards, but the Egyptians work them downwards.” (Herodotus, The Histories, Book 2, chapter 35).

In his book Economics (Books 7 and 8), the historian/soldier Xenophon (died c. 354 BCE) has his character Isomakhos explain the running of the ideal household to his young wife. The ideal wife is likened to a queen bee. She is to teach slave women how to weave by standing in front of the loom herself. Likewise she must teach the women how to spin.

7. What can loom weights teach us?

The careful study of loom weights and other textile tools can offer many insights into ancient Greek textile production. Loom weights should be examined for impressions of cloth, perhaps made when the clay was wet. Such impressions may provide clues as the weave and fineness of the textile. Fibres may also be preserved on a loom weight, especially inside or around the perforations. The width of a loom (hence the maximum width of the textile produced) might be calculated from the width of a line (or lines) of loom weights. First and foremost, loom weights provide evidence of textile technology, as shown above. But loom weights can also help to shed light on ancient economies; on migration; on gender construction and relations, and even on religious beliefs and practices.

The places where loom weights are discovered, and how the weights are grouped, can also give rise to important questions. Is the site a domestic dwelling, where textiles were produced for a household? Or is it a place where many weavers worked together? Researchers of the palace economies of the Aegean Bronze Age (Nosch 2014), where large-scale textile production was strictly organized by ruling elites, use loom weights and other archaeological finds (including Linear B inscriptions) to support their arguments.

Ancient Greek bobbin. TRC 2014.0797.Ancient Greek bobbin. TRC 2014.0797.Who made these loom weights? The weaver her/himself? A specialized craftsperson? One loom weight (TRC 2014.0795) and a bobbin (TRC 2014.0797) in the TRC collection bear stamps made in the clay before it was baked. While a stamp could conceivably be the personalized mark of an individual owner or administration, it is also possible that stamps indicate an object made by a recognized artisan for sale. This hints at the economic role textiles played.

Some researchers think that changes in the shape and/or decoration of loom weights point to migration, especially of women. The origins of, and changes in words for textile tools have also been used to argue for the movements of large groups of people. Other scholars point to changes as the result of invasion or trade.

6. Ancient Greek textiles

Fragments of ancient Greek textiles have been discovered. The studies that have been made of these fragments are sometimes inconclusive or contradictory. The fragments from the Kerameikos cemetery in Athens, for example, were originally found to contain extremely rare (for Greece) silk fibres; a more recent analysis found no silk, but bast and possibly cotton fibres (Margariti and Kinti, 2014: Chapter 7).

Each textile discovery adds to our knowledge about the materials and techniques used. The discovery of the Koropi fragments showed that the ancient Greeks did employ embroidery techniques, something many scholars had doubted.. Wool and linen are the most common materials found; but there are others. At Kastelli Khania, on Crete, a small carbonized ribbon was found made of linen, goat hair and (perhaps) nettle fibres. The site was dated to the Late Bronze Age (Moulherat, C. and Spantidakii 2009: 8-15).

In 1875, textiles were found in burial mounds, called the Seven Brothers, near Kertch in the Crimea. These mounds are associated with the Greek Black Sea colony of Panticapaeum (also known as Pantikapaion). In Kurgan 6 some fifty fragments of a large woollen textile were discovered, draped over a wooden sarcophagus. This textile was made from at least eleven long bands stitched together. It was painted or resist-dyed in red, black and fawn colours, with scenes of running women, warriors, and at least two chariots drawn by horses. Some of the human figures are identified on the textile in Greek letters. The names Athena, Nike, Iocasta, Phaidra and Mopsos can be made out. It has been speculated that this textile may have been a wall hanging, perhaps in imitation of a more expensive woven tapestry, before it was used as a pall (von Hofsten, 2011:16). The textile had been carefully mended at some point.

Inside the sarcophagus, over the legs of a body, more textile fragments were found. These fragments belonged to a woollen tapestry with a design of polychrome ducks on a red background. Stags’ heads decorate the border. Based on other artefacts in the tomb, all the textiles were dated to the early 4th century BCE.

Other textiles have been found in the area. Fragments from the near-by Pavlovskij kurgan reveal a purple-reddish woollen textile. This textile was heavily embroidered in yellow-white, black and green colours, with palmettes and other plant motifs, a mounted rider and spiral waves. This textile has been dated to the mid-4th century BCE.

Early 5th century BC textile fragments, from Koropi, near Athens, Greece. Courtesy Victoria & Albert Museum, London, acc. nT.220 to B-1953o. Early 5th century BC textile fragments, from Koropi, near Athens, Greece. Courtesy Victoria & Albert Museum, London, acc. nT.220 to B-1953o. On the Greek mainland, a small fragment of embroidered linen was found inside a bronze water jar at Koropi, near Athens, in Attica. The design was a diaper pattern with small lions in the centre of each lozenge. The threads were all Z-spun and the gold and silver embroidery threads had been wrapped around a fibre core (perhaps silk or linen). These fragments are now at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London (acc. T.220 to B-1953). The fragments were dyed green, with a tapestry or plain weave. They have been dated to 500-440 BCE. The fragments helped establish the fact that the ancient Greeks did have knowledge of embroidery techniques, something which had previously been doubted by scholars.

Other textiles come from a 1936 excavation of a grave (number 35 HTR 73) at the Kerameikos cemetery in Athens. A copper vessel was discovered wrapped in straw and wide purple ribbons, inside a sarcophagus. Inside the vessel were fragments of a textile decorated with stripes of purple on its corners. Some fragments were a plain weave, others weft-faced. Some fragments had selvedges and a starting edge, which indicates it was woven on an upright loom, perhaps the warp-weighted loom. The threads are single-ply with a Z-twist. As mentioned above, earlier analysis indicated the material was silk, but the latest analysis shows bast and possibly cotton fibres. The fragments are dated to between 430-400 BCE.

The most famous recent find is perhaps the 4th century BCE funerary pyre textile from the Royal Tomb II in Vergina. This tomb is associated with King Philip II of Macedonia, the father of Alexander the Great. Fragments of a tapestry woven, possibly woollen, textile were discovered in the tomb’s antechamber. In the centre of the textile is a floral design with two birds; the border has a meander motif. The textile was woven with gold and mollusk purple thread. The gold appeared to be “cut strips with no indication that they were spun around a core.” (Andrianou 2012: 46).